Opium cultivation on the rise in Golden Triangle

Monday, December 14, 2009 | | 0 comments

DPA
December 14, 2009

Opium cultivation on the rise in Golden Triangle

Bangkok : Opium cultivation in South-East Asia rose 11 percent this year as soaring prices in Laos and political instability in Myanmar drew more farmers to the illicit poppy crop, a UN report revealed Monday.

Cultivation increased to 33,811 hectares from 30,388 hectares last year in the Golden Triangle - comprising parts of Laos, Myanmar and Thailand
- which two decades ago accounted for more than 70 percent of the world's supply of heroin, a refined derivative of opium.

After years of crop-substitution and development projects that reduced the acreage under cultivation in the region, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) now acknowledges a "worrisome" trend towards increased cultivated in the illicit crop since 2006.

"We are worried about the trends, especially in Myanmar where we see potential for an unravelling of much of what containment has produced over the past two decades," said Gary Lewis, UNODC regional representative for the Asia Pacific.

According to the report Opium Cultivation in South-East Asia, between
1988 to 2006, poppy growing in Laos, Myanmar and Thailand dropped from 157,900 hectares to 24,157 hectares in 2006.

But cultivation has since been on the rise, increasing 47 percent in Myanmar and 19 percent in Laos. Thailand, historically a minor opium grower although a major conduit for heroin from the Golden Triangle, saw its cultivated acreage drop 27 percent this year to only 211 hectares.

Myanmar accounts for the lion's share of opium cultivation in the region, with more than 50 percent coming from the Shan State, a base for several ethnic minority groups such as the Wa and the Shan.

"The eastern Shan State has seen a really dramatic increase in opium cultivation over the past four years, from 3,000 hectares to 11,000 hectares," Lewis said.

Myanmar's military regime has little control over the east Shan State, although it has demanded that all minority groups place their armed militias under state control this year. Few have complied.

In Laos, where opium sells for $1,327 per kg, up 8 percent from 2008, the increase in cultivation is market driven.

"It's all about supply and demand," said Leik Boonwaat, UNODC country representative for Laos. "In Laos, the price is high because of the scarcity of supply, while demand remains high."

By comparison, this year's the price for a kg of opium was $317 in Myanmar and $48 in Afghanistan, now the world's leading provider of the drug.

Leik estimated that there were at least 12,000 opium addicts in the land-locked country.

-----

Opium poppy cultivation in South-East Asia - Dec 2009 (pdf) http://www.unodc.org/documents/crop-monitoring/SEA_Opium_survey_2009.pdf
_______________________________________________
Dd-world mailing list
https://lists.tni.org/mailman/listinfo/dd-world

You can't handle the truth

| | 0 comments

The Boston Globe
December 13, 2009

You can't handle the truth

A respected scientist set out to determine which drugs are actually the most dangerous -- and discovered that the answers are, well, awkward

By Mark Pothier

In the long and tortured debate over drug policy, one of the strangest episodes has been playing out this fall in the United Kingdom, where the country's top drug adviser was recently fired for publicly criticizing his own government's drug laws.

The adviser, Dr. David Nutt, said in a lecture that alcohol is more hazardous than many outlawed substances, and that the United Kingdom might be making a mistake in throwing marijuana smokers in jail. His comments were published in a press release in October, and the next day he was dismissed. The buzz over his sacking has yet to subside: Nutt has become the talk of pubs and Parliament, as well as the subject of tabloid headlines like: "Drug advisor on wacky baccy?"

But behind Nutt's words lay something perhaps more surprising, and harder to grapple with. His comments weren't the idle musings of a reality-insulated professor in a policy job. They were based on a list - a scientifically compiled ranking of drugs, assembled by specialists in chemistry, health, and enforcement, published in a prestigious medical journal two years earlier.

The list, printed as a chart with the unassuming title "Mean Harm Scores for 20 Substances," ranked a set of common drugs, both legal and illegal, in order of their harmfulness - how addictive they were, how physically damaging, and how much they threatened society. Many drug specialists now consider it one of the most objective sources available on the actual harmfulness of different substances.

That ranking showed, with numbers, what Nutt was fired for saying out
loud: Overall, alcohol is far worse than many illegal drugs. So is tobacco. Smoking pot is less harmful than drinking, and LSD is less damaging yet.

Nutt says he didn't see himself as promoting drug use or trying to subvert the government. He was pressing the point that a government policy, especially a health-related one like a drug law, should be grounded in factual information. In doing so, he found himself caught in a crossfire that cost him the advisory post he had held for a decade.

The same issue is becoming a hot one in America - this fall the Obama administration took a baby step toward easing federal scrutiny of medical marijuana use, and a policy report due early next year is expected to emphasize addiction prevention and treatment over criminal enforcement. Opponents are already attacking the administration for its laxity, but Thomas McLellan, a newly installed White House drug official, has begun loudly pushing for policy that incorporates more science.

"We must increase the use of evidence-based tools at our disposal,"
McLellan said in an interview last week.

But as Nutt's case illustrates, that is tough to do. The more data we accumulate about drug harmfulness, the more it seems like the classification systems used by the United States, the United Kingdom, and other governments need to be dismantled - and the more it becomes clear that societies can't, or won't, take that step. Drug laws are rooted in history and politics as much as science. Our own culture embraces one intoxicant - alcohol - that Nutt's ranking deemed far more dangerous than 15 other harmful substances. And even if it were possible to divorce drug politics from drug-use facts, some policy specialists say, letting science call the shots would be a bad idea.

Intoxication has been part of human culture since before recorded history. So have its consequences. A drug can cause all sorts of harms, some devastating, some minor: It can ravage the body of an addict, or simply make a user late for a meeting with the boss. Drugs can impoverish families, trigger deadly violence, cause cancer. In modern society, drugs drive crime and increase health costs for everyone.

To Nutt, a professor of neuropsychopharmacology at London's Imperial College who chaired the government's Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs, it made sense that laws and policies should take into account the harmfulness of the drugs themselves. But when he considered ways to improve the system, he discovered a problem.

"It became clear that [the government] didn't have any systematic, transparent way of assessing drugs at all," he said. "If you say drug laws are based on reducing harm, you have to actually know what kind of harm they cause."

So about a decade ago, he and some colleagues set about to gauge the dangers of 20 substances as objectively as possible. This would not be a measurement with calipers and a scale - drug risks are inevitably subjective, depending on factors like an individual user's tolerance, the amount used, and the duration of use. But Nutt also knew he could create better data than anything the government was currently employing.

He and his colleagues assembled a range of independent experts and asked them to score each drug in three categories - its physical effects on the user, the likelihood of addiction, and its impact on society. The group included addiction specialists registered with the Royal College of Psychiatrists, as well as people with expertise in chemistry, forensic science, and police work.

They gave the specialists a detailed list of parameters to consider. In assessing the addictiveness of, say, cocaine, they would separately rate its pleasure, psychological dependence, and physical dependence, and the ratings would be combined to create an overall risk factor. After a series of meetings and discussions, the rankings were determined by averaging scores across all the categories. The result was a paper published in the public-health journal The Lancet in March 2007.

Number one on the experts' list was an easy call: heroin. It's extremely addictive and, by any measure, destructive to the user and the society around him. Cocaine came in second, followed by barbiturates and street methadone.

Then the list got interesting. Alcohol, which has always been legal in England and was only briefly outlawed in the United States, took the fifth position, above tobacco (9), marijuana (11), LSD (14), and ecstasy (18). The least harmful drug in all respects was khat, a stimulant derived from the leaves of an African shrub.

Included in the Lancet paper was the authors' recommendation that the government should reclassify drugs to reflect the harms they cause. "We saw no clear distinction between socially acceptable and illicit substances," they wrote, suggesting "a more rational debate" on drug policy, based on "scientific evidence."

The ranking - nicknamed the "drug league table," after the British term for sports standings - lay quietly, more or less ignored by the public and politicians, until King's College issued a press release in October based on a lecture Nutt had given in July. Nutt thought he was making much the same point he made in the medical journal two years earlier: If we looked at harm objectively, we would engineer a drastically different set of drug policies than the ones we now use.

He was swiftly booted from his government position. Home Secretary Alan Johnson said Nutt had crossed a line. He "cannot be both a government adviser and a campaigner against government policy," Johnson told The Guardian newspaper.

"It was a funny, kind of petulant reaction," Nutt told the Globe, "all about machismo and politics. We're harder on drugs than you, we're tougher."

Suddenly, Nutt was everywhere - the papers, the BBC, YouTube, a Facebook page started by his backers. Critics accused him of sending England's youth a mixed message about drug use. Supporters charged the government with stripping the professor of his right to speak freely.

Amid the charges and countercharges, others wondered whether, beneath all the controversy, the government shouldn't just start paying more attention to that list.

If Nutt's list is accurate - if we really do know which drugs are really bad and which are relatively benign - the next step is figuring out how to make use of that information.

It might seem obvious that the most harmful drugs should receive the most attention from the government, with beefed-up prevention and treatment programs, and tougher punishments for producers and distributors. And to conserve their limited resources, it might make sense for drug officials to stop worrying about the least harmful substances, even decriminalizing or legalizing them.

But real-world drug policy is not like that. To a certain extent, say analysts, legal drugs are acceptable and illegal ones are dangerous because, well, because they're already illegal.

"There's a crazy kind of logic that argues, about some currently illegal drug, 'Look how dangerous it is! You couldn't possibly legalize a drug as dangerous as that!' " said Mark A.R. Kleiman, a professor of public policy at UCLA. The fact that a drug is against the law makes people overestimate its risks, he said, while legal status causes them to underestimate dangers.

Politicians tend to follow that same line of thinking, leaving socially acceptable legal drugs alone, while making easy prey of would-be liberalizers. In the United States, for instance, it would be politically insane to call for the legalization of the least harmful drugs on Nutt's list - khat, GHB, and steroids - while campaigning to outlaw tobacco.

One indisputable fact that emerged from Nutt's study is this: We have assigned a high social value to booze. Alcohol causes many of the harms associated with "harder" drugs - lots of people die or become deeply dysfunctional because of drinking - yet it has been entrenched in society for so long that scientific evidence of its hazards relative to other intoxicants doesn't get much of a public hearing.

Kleiman and other experts - including Nutt - are not suggesting that either Britain or the United States should ban alcohol. America tried that once, and even during Prohibition, people didn't stop drinking - they simply built a system of illegal manufacturing and distribution big enough to satisfy their thirst. Instead, Kleiman believes a good strategy on alcohol should include increased taxes to discourage drinking - young people and heavy drinkers are price-sensitive - and an outright ban on sales to people who have been convicted of drunken driving or other alcohol-fueled crimes.

Of course, that would require new laws, and more political wrangling.
How many convictions? How long of a ban? If the science is complicated, the politics would be more so. The fight would last more than a few rounds.

Nutt, for one, seems ready to go the distance. "The majority of people in [Britain] are more damaged by alcohol than any other drug," he said.
"Let's get the scaling of harm right."

For drugs that are currently illegal, he said, that means having prevention efforts and laws that are proportionate to their dangers. For instance, British law allows up to five years imprisonment for marijuana possession, a penalty Nutt called "infantile and embarrassing."
McLellan, the White House drug adviser, echoed him, saying jailing pot smokers "is idiocy, a really bad use of resources."

But drug law will never be as simple as making a list, and even experts say it shouldn't be. At a certain point, scientists should excuse themselves from the discourse, Kleiman said. Intoxicants are part of our culture in ways that a list can't sort out for us.

"Science gives you facts about the world," he said, "and you have to assign values to those facts. It doesn't tell you what's worth having and what's not worth having."

Mark Pothier is the Globe's senior assistant business editor. He can be reached at mpothier@globe.com.

(c) Copyright 2009 Globe Newspaper Company.

----------------------------------------------------
The online version includes the graph "Ranking drugs":
http://www.boston.com/bostonglobe/ideas/articles/2009/12/13/you_cant_handle_the_truth/#

--
Drugs & Democracy Info <drugs@tni.org>
Transnational Institute (TNI)
De Wittenstraat 25 | 1052 AK Amsterdam (The Netherlands) Tel +31-20-6626608 | Fax +31-20-6757176 http://www.tni.org/drugs http://www.ungassondrugs.org/ _______________________________________________
Dd-world mailing list
https://lists.tni.org/mailman/listinfo/dd-world

MARIJUANA IS NOW A PERSONAL MATTER FOR CZECHS

Friday, December 11, 2009 | | 0 comments

Pubdate: Fri, 11 Dec 2009
Source: Wall Street Journal (US)
Page: A7
Copyright: 2009 Dow Jones & Company, Inc.
Author: Sean Carney

MARIJUANA IS NOW A PERSONAL MATTER FOR CZECHS

The interim Czech government, led by chief statistician-turned-Prime Minister Jan Fischer, early this week took a step towards making casual marijuana smoking a less worrisome affair.

Mr. Fischer's cabinet defined on Monday what constitutes "small amounts" of cannabis for personal use, clarifying the country's new penal code that from next year decriminalizes cultivation and possession of the plant by individuals, according to Czech news agency CTK.

As of Jan. 1 ordinary Czechs can grow up to five marijuana plants or have several marijuana cigarettes in their pockets without fear of criminal prosecution. Previously what constituted a small amount wasn't specified.

The government's approval of a table specifying what amounts of drugs are permissible is a vital part of the country's new penal code that was last year approved by both houses of parliament and in January of this year was signed into law by President Vaclav Klaus. Without the just-approved table of amounts that will be used by Czech police, the January decriminalization of the drug would be difficult to judge by courts and investigators.

The plant still remains illegal, however, though from the new year possession of five or less plants is merely a misdemeanour, and fines for possession will be on par with penalties for parking violations.

There is also an interesting lifestyle footnote: Czechs are Europe's biggest drinkers of hops-infused beer and are also the continent's leaders in smoking pot. Czechs consume 320 pints of the golden brew per person annually. Also 22% of Czechs between the age of 16 and 34 smoke cannabis at least once a year, according to a recent report by the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction.

Czech decriminalization of small amounts of cannabis possession does not, however provide greater clarity to the country's policy on medical marijuana. "Konopi Je Lek," a Czech non-profit organization promoting medical marijuana recently co-founded the country's first marijuana dispensary in Prague despite there being no medical marijuana laws on the country's books. The grand opening of the dispensary on Sept. 28 was attended by Prague's Mayor Dr. Pavel Bem, who is also a physician and proponent of sensible use of the herb. Since then, however, Prague police have raided it, hauling away the cannabis meant for patients, and the dispensary is now looking for growers to help restock its supply.
 
 

U.S. may take new look at `war on drugs'

Thursday, December 10, 2009 | | 0 comments

US may take new look at `war on drugs'
MiamiHerald.com
... take a new look at US anti-drug programs such as Plan Colombia and the M�rida Initiative for Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean. ...
See all stories on this topic



THE OPPENHEIMER REPORT

U.S. may take new look at `war on drugs'

aoppenheimer@MiamiHerald.com

If you had asked me 10 years ago whether the United States will ever change its interdiction-focused counternarcotics policies -- and perhaps even decriminalize marijuana consumption at home -- I would have told you, ``never.'' Today, I say, ``perhaps.''

Earlier this week, in a tacit admission that current U.S. anti-drug policies are not working, the House of Representatives unanimously passed a bill to create an independent commission to review whether the U.S. anti-drug policies of the past three decades in Latin America are producing positive results.

The bill now goes to the Senate, where supporters say it has a good chance to pass, given its bipartisan support in the House. The 10-member panel, modeled after the 9/11 Commission that made recommendations to Congress and the White House after the 2001 terrorist attacks, would have to issue its report in 12 months.

REASON FOR CHANGE

What's interesting about the planned independent drug policy commission is that the idea didn't come from a pro-legalization advocate, nor any leftist or libertarian crusader. The sponsor of the bill, Rep. Eliot Engel (D-N.Y.), opposes decriminalization of drugs for non-medical use, and is as mainstream as members of Congress come.

But Engel's frustration over the results of the U.S. war on drugs is symptomatic of Washington's growing skepticism about U.S. anti-drug policies these days.

Since 1980, the United States has spent nearly $14 billion trying to stop drug-smuggling from Latin America, the bill says. While U.S. drug consumption has declined significantly as a percentage of the population, there are still 25.7 million users of marijuana, 5.3 million users of cocaine and 453,000 users of heroin. Meanwhile, U.S. law enforcement and prison systems are overwhelmed by prosecutions on drug-consumption charges.

Interdiction-focused policies have not changed Latin America's status as the world's largest exporter of cocaine and marijuana, and drug-related violence in the region has -- if anything -- increased. In Mexico alone, 5,661 people died in drug-related violence last year, more than double the previous year's total.

``Billions upon billions of U.S. taxpayer dollars have been spent. In spite of our efforts, the positive results are few and far between,'' says Engel, who chairs the House Western Hemisphere subcommittee. ``Clearly, the time has come to take a fresh look at our counternarcotics efforts.''

The proposed commission will, among other things, take a new look at U.S. anti-drug programs such as Plan Colombia and the M�rida Initiative for Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean.

Engel said that it will ``assess all aspects of our drug policy,'' although he clarified in an e-mail to me that decriminalization of marijuana is not part of his intentions for the commission.

Earlier this year, former presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso of Brazil, Ernesto Zedillo of Mexico and Cesar Gaviria of Colombia signed a joint declaration suggesting that the time has come to consider decriminalization of marijuana -- studies show that it's not more harmful than alcohol and tobacco, they said -- and to focus on education and prevention to reduce drug consumption.

If I had any doubt that the public mood toward anti-drug policies in the United States is changing, a conversation with former U.S. ambassador to Bolivia, Manuel Rocha, convinced me of that. Rocha, who was known as a hard-line enforcer of U.S. anti-drug policies when he headed the 950-strong embassy staff in Bolivia until 2002, told me that he supports the Cardoso-Zedillo-Gaviria statement.

``Things have changed,'' Rocha told me. ``We have to be intellectually honest, and reach the conclusion that the time has come to change the focus of our failed policies.''

OPEN CONVERSATION

My opinion: Washington is on the verge of beginning a taboo-free discussion on its drug policies that was unthinkable a few years ago.

There are three main reasons for this: First, the U.S. focus on ``the war on drugs'' of the 1990s has been replaced by the war on terrorism following the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Second, the 2008 economic crisis is moving U.S. lawmakers to review how government funds are spent. Third, the drug-related violence in Mexico is creating growing anxiety in U.S. national security circles.

Most likely, the proposed independent commission will not recommend decriminalization of marijuana, but will install the issue as a legitimate debate. Meantime, the Obama Administration will soon announce a new National Drug Control Strategy that will focus more on demand reduction than its predecessors.

At any rate, it's clear there is a growing sentiment that the war on drugs is not working, and that we need to further focus on drug consumers rather than drug producers.



--
XVIII International AIDS Conference
July 18-23 2010 | Vienna, Austria

Dr Marcus Day DSc
Director
Caribbean Drug & Alcohol Research Institute
Box 1419
Castries
SAINT LUCIA

1-758-458-2795 Office
1-758-458-2796 Fax
1-758-721-7278 Cell -


�Harm reduction� is often made an unnecessarily controversial issue as if there was a contradiction between prevention and treatment on one hand and reducing the adverse health and social consequences of drug use on the other. This is a false dichotomy. They are complementary.

Taken From UNODC (2008) Reducing the adverse health and social effects of drug use: A comprehensive approach.

**********************************************************************
This email and any files transmitted with it are confidential and
intended solely for the use of the individual or entity to whom they
are addressed. If you have received this email in error please notify
the system manager.

This footnote also confirms that this email message has been virus
scanned and although no viruses were detected by the system, St Vincents &
Mater Health Sydney accepts no liability for any consequential damage
resulting from email containing any computer viruses.

**********************************************************************

in the news

| | 0 comments

 

Pot law proposal criticized
Depending on who you ask mandatory sentence is either too lax or too tough
By Paul Walton
Canada.com
December 10, 2009

Is Liberal caucus discipline going to pot?
By Jane Taber
Globe and Mail
December 9, 2009
December 9, 2009

Dr. Paul Latimer: Does cannabis help ADHD?
Kelowna.com
December 9, 2009

Get prisoners off drugs? Don't be so silly
By pushing methadone to inmates, the State has become the dealer-in-chief in
Britain's jails
By Melanie Reid
Times (UK)
December 10, 2009



CCSA provides links to stories in Addiction News Daily for informational purposes only. Items included in Addiction News Daily do not reflect the opinion of or imply endorsement or authorization by the Canadian Centre on Substance Abuse. Any questions or concerns regarding a particular story should be directed to the publisher or news source.


Les articles retenus par le CCLAT pour Toxicomanie au quotidien ne sont proposés qu'à titre d'information. L'ajout d'un article dans Toxicomanie au quotidien ne représente pas l'opinion du Centre canadien de lutte contre l'alcoolisme et les toxicomanies et ne sous-entend en aucun cas son approbation ou autorisation. Toute question ou préoccupation relative à un article particulier devrait être adressée à l'éditeur ou à la source. 



To subscribe please click or copy and paste the link below into your browser:
http://www.ccsa.ca/eng/newsandevents/serials/subscribe/pages/default.aspx

To unsubscribe please click or copy and paste the link below into your browser:
http://list.ccsa.ca/ACT/unsubscribe.aspx?Language=EN&Email=Mark.Haden@vch.ca

Pour vous abonner, cliquez sur le lien ci-dessous ou copiez et collez-le dans votre navigateur :
http://www.ccsa.ca/fra/newsandevents/serials/subscribe/pages/default.aspx

Pour vous désabonner, cliquez sur le lien ci-dessous ou copiez et collez-le dans votre navigateur :
http://list.ccsa.ca/ACT/unsubscribe.aspx?Language=FR&Email=Mark.Haden@vch.ca 

CANADA: Bill C-15, mandatory minimums in Canada

Wednesday, December 9, 2009 | | 0 comments

December 08, 2009 10:41 PM
To: Kirk Tousaw
Subject: CANADA: Bill C-15, mandatory minimums in Canada

Bill C-15: What it means for cannabis producers and sellers

Bill C-15 imposes mandatory minimum jail sentences for a variety of CDSA (Controlled Drugs and Substances Act) offences including the sale and production of cannabis. It also raises the maximum penalty for producing cannabis from 7 years to 14 years. This article will focus on the impact on cannabis producers and distributors, though we should be aware that the negative consequences of this Bill will affect all Canadians.

The Bill, proposed by the Conservative minority government in the House of Commons and supported by the Liberals and New Democrats, was amended, slightly, by the Senate Committee that studied it. While the Committee heard from a lot of witnesses, the amendments that were adopted tell me that they didn't hear what those witnesses had to say. I am profoundly disappointed in the members of the Committee who, at the very least, could have amended this Bill to protect medical cannabis producers and sellers. For a time it seemed they would - I was asked specifically to write amendments for that
purpose. They were not even debated. The Committee could also have
amended the Bill to restore judicial discretion to depart from mandatory sentences in appropriate circumstances (as it did for aboriginal offenders). That didn't happen either.

The one amendment that affects cannabis removed the mandatory sentences for between 6 and 200 plants if, and only if, no aggravating factors apply. Let me repeat that to be clear: the Senate amendment did not remove mandatory jail time for under 200 plants. It only removed jail as an option if none of the aggravating factors are present.

Unfortunately the aggravating factors are so broad as to make the amendment nearly meaningless. Mandatory minimums will still be imposed for producing between 1 and 200 cannabis plants for the purpose of trafficking if there were weapons used or found, the location was booby trapped or rendered unsafe, the production created a danger to the public in a residential area or the property of a third party (ie, a rental unit) was used in the offence. These four factors are called "aggravating factors" and they also increase the mandatory sentences if more plants are being grown.

On a practical level, this will impact renters disproportionately.
Also, when was the last time a cannabis production site in a
residential area was not considered to be a danger to the public?
Prohibitionists have mounted a decade-long propaganda war that has successfully convinced the public that cannabis can only be produced unsafely - something we know is completely false but that has become dogma. This means that, if you grow cannabis to sell (or even give away), in order to avoid the impact of the mandatory sentences you basically have to do it on rural property that you own. Oh, and by the way, if you do it on property you own you run the very real risk that the government will seek to forfeit that property, in some cases without even needing to convict you of the crime!

Cannabis producers

If you produce between 1 and 200 plants for the purpose of trafficking and one of the aggravating factors is present, you will be sentenced to nine months in prison.

If you produce between 201 and 500 plants for any purpose you will be sentenced to one year in prison. If any of the aggravating factors are present, the sentence is increased to eighteen months.

If you produce more than 501 plants for any purpose you will be sentenced to two years. If any of the aggravating factors are present, the sentence is increased to three years.

Hash, resin, oil, cookie producers

If you produce anything in Schedule II to the CDSA (which contains essentially all of the cannabis derivatives including resin) for the
purpose of trafficking you will be sentenced to one year in prison.
If any of the aggravating factors are present, the sentence is increased to eighteen months.

Cannabis sellers

If you sell cannabis (or any Schedule II substance) in amounts greater than 3 kilograms, or possess such amounts for the purpose of trafficking, you will be sentenced to a mandatory year in prison if you commit the offence in connection with a criminal organization, threaten or use violence in committing the offence, carry, use or threaten to use a weapon in the commission of the offence or if you were convicted of, or served a term of imprisonment for, a "designated substance offence" in the last 10 years. "Designated substance offences" are basically production and sale offences. Note that the Senate Committee changed the last aggravating factor to read "convicted of and served at term of imprisonment of at least one year, or served a term of imprisonment for a 'designated substance offence'".

The sentence is increased to two years if you commit the offence in or near a school, on or near school grounds or in or near a place usually frequented by people under 18, in a prison or on prison grounds, or if you involve a person under 18 in committing the offence.

The purpose of trafficking: what does it mean?

One of the prerequisites to mandatory sentences for producing less than 201 plants or for producing hash and byproducts is that it be done for the purpose of trafficking. This will have to be proven beyond a reasonable doubt at trial or at a sentencing hearing. The typical manner of proof is to put forward evidence that suggests
trafficking: score sheets, scales, quantities of cash, multiple cell phones, baggies and the like. Obviously having those things at your production site will significantly increase your chances of facing a mandatory jail sentence.

Another method is to use a police "expert" witness to give an opinion based on the various circumstances. Police will, for example, typically assign average yields to plants and multiply that yield by the number of plants found to come up with an expected harvest. The witness will then assign values to that harvest at per gram ("street") and per pound prices. The officer then opines on the average consumption habits of even heavy, chronic users and suggests that the harvest will produce so much cannabis that the person could not possibly use it all before it goes bad. These things, according to the expert, support a conclusion that the purpose of producing the cannabis was to sell it.

It is certainly likely that people accused of producing for the purpose of trafficking will need to find and call rebuttal experts to seek to poke holes in the police theories. Police often, for example, fail to take into account things like sexing the plants, crop failure, genetic predisposition on yield, harvest fluctuation due to manner of growth (ie, 200 plants in a "sea of green" garden will yield substantially less cannabis than 200 growing 8 feet high in a
warehouse) and other factors. They also tend to underestimate the ability of people to consume vast amounts of cannabis, or the different methods of ingestion that affect how much of the plant is used.

Other aspects of C-15

One of the more pernicious, and little discussed, aspects of C-15 is its effects on the availability of discharges (either absolute or
conditional) and Conditional Sentence Orders.

A discharge is a sentencing option that allows the finding of guilty but no entry of a criminal conviction. Absolute discharges take effect immediately, at sentencing. Conditional discharges take effect after the individual completes certain conditions, typically spending a period of time on a sort of probation.

Discharges have often been used to give people second chances, or to dispense with the need for a conviction when it is in the interests of justice to do so. I have often had success obtaining discharges for persons growing cannabis for medicinal purposes, or for people growing a few plants for their own personal use.

Unfortunately, if C-15 passes, those days are over. Discharges are not permitted if the offence is punishable by either a mandatory minimum sentence or if a 14-year sentence is available. Cannabis production will now carry a 14-year maximum (up from 7), meaning that even personal non-commercial producers - even those not subject to the mandatory sentences - will no longer be discharge-eligible.

A Conditional Sentence Order (CSO) is a custodial sentence served in the community. The sentence length is set by the judge, though it must be under 2 years, and so are the conditions. Conditions can run the gamut from very strict 24-hours-a-day house arrest to much less restrictive curfews. A CSO is imposed in situations where the judge feels that the offence was serious enough to merit custody but the offender is not a risk to the community and the CSO fits with the principles of sentencing.

I've been successful in obtaining CSO dispositions even for persons charged with very large commercial production when, for example, there was no evidence of violence, no involvement with organized crime, the person was a first time offender with a family, job and good community involvement. Judges are often receptive to giving people a chance to continue contributing to their family and community instead of incarcerating them for growing cannabis.

Unfortunately, that discretion has also been stripped away by C-15. A CSO is not available for offences that carry mandatory minimum sentences.

What does it all mean?

One of the most ironic effects of C-15 will be to drive "mom and pop"
growers out of the business. This will inevitably mean that organized crime will further solidify its grip on cannabis production and distribution. Despite propaganda to the contrary, the reality of cannabis production is that there are a whole lot of people engaged in relatively small scale production for distribution to friends and acquaintances. Organized crime certainly operates the massive production sites: much of this product is destined for the export markets. But by and large the cannabis that ordinary Canadians buy and use comes from small-scale local producers and is sold to them by people they describe as friends. That is probably going to change.

Another ironic effect will be an increase in the number of production sites. The market will respond to this legislation. Not by going away - that idea is lunacy. But, instead, organized criminals (who have substantial financial resources due to prohibition) will avoid the most harsh mandatory sentences by (a) buying properties to avoid the "rental property" aggravating factor; and (b) establishing many smaller production sites (with larger plants) to avoid the harsher penalties for over 200 and 500 plants.

A final irony comes when comparing the sentences for importing with that for production. Importing any amount of cannabis (from one joint to a hundred thousand pounds) will carry a mandatory minimum sentence of one year in jail. This means that the mandatory minimum sentence for importing cannabis is less than that imposed for growing 501 plants. Whether this will increase the import trade remains to be seen as these are mandatory minimums and importers of any significant quantity almost always receive penalties substantially longer than one year in prison.

Medical cannabis producers and sellers will be impacted severely by this legislation. It was not unusual to obtain discharges for people truly motivated by compassion. That will no longer be an option. If police decide to take enforcement action against Canada's compassion clubs a lot of good, caring, compassionate people will be facing long jail terms.

People that produce hash and cannabis products such as cookies will also face severe penalties - production of even one gram of hash or a dozen cookies, if made to sell or even to give away, will carry a minimum one year sentence and possibly more if you are baking the cookies in a rental property.

All told, the effects of this legislation on the cannabis community should not be underestimated. Canadian enjoy cannabis: we consume an estimated 7 - 10 million grams of it each week. Someone has to grow,
process and sell it to the over two million regular consumers.
Because of Bill C-15, it is likely that the exact people we don't want controlling this marketplace will be able to tighten their grip perhaps to the point of a virtual monopoly. This bodes ill for all Canadians.

What can be done?

The Bill contains a mandatory two year review (and the Senate added another at five years) but unfortunately reviews can be used as methods to shelve contentious issues. Or even issues wrongly perceived to be contentious, like this one. I suggest that you write to the members of the Senate Committee and/or the Senate as a whole to express your profound disappointment in their complicity in this legislation. You could also consider sending a financial donation to the Beyond Prohibition Foundation (bank account coming soon but for now checks can be made out payable to cash and sent to our offices at
142-757 West Hastings, Suite 211, Vancouver BC V6C 1A1 or contact me to discuss) so that we can continue working on this issue and preparing for the review process. We are also likely to actively pursue a Charter challenge to the legislation as soon as possible.

Finally, don't forget this issue during the next federal election.
The Conservative revamping of our criminal justice system must be stopped. The Liberals and NDP must be forced to show some courage and leadership on this issue and every Liberal and NDP candidate must be confronted - repeatedly if necessary - to articulate their position on cannabis policy, the incarceration on non-violent cananbis offenders and medical cannabis. If that position is unsupported by fact, logic and compassion, they must be educated and motivated to change their tune.

Bill C-15 is dangerous. It will cause harm. We must never cease our efforts to undo the damage that is being done to our country. Onward!

Kirk Tousaw, Executive Director
Beyond Prohibition Foundation
142 - 757 West Hastings, Suite 211
Vancouver BC V6C 1A1
Cell: 604.836.1420
kirktousaw@gmail.com
www.whyprohibition.ca

Working to repeal cannabis prohibition and replace it with a regulated and controlled system of production and access.

Czech gov't legalizes personal hallucinogen growth/possession

Tuesday, December 8, 2009 | | 0 comments

 
Prague - The Czech government today approved the list of hallucinogenic plants and mushrooms, including hemp, coca, mescaline cactus and magic mushrooms, and decided that people would be allowed to grow up to five pieces of such plants and keep 40 magic mushrooms at home, a CTK source said.

http://www.ceskenoviny.cz/news/zpravy/czech-govt-defines-rules-of-hallucinogenic-plants-growing/411010

Report Recommends Changes to the State's Sentencing Guidelines

| | 0 comments

Delaware County Daily Times (USA-PA)
7 December 2009

A Mandatory Debate:
Report Recommends Changes to the State's Sentencing Guidelines

Alex Rose

A nearly 30-year debate on mandatory-minimum sentences recently got a another look with a new report from the Pennsylvania Commission on Sentencing.

The report was authorized by the state Legislature in 2007 and employed an advisory committee made up of legislators, judges, district attorneys and public defenders. Commission staff also worked with faculty and students of Pennsylvania State University in conducting interviews, surveys, extensive data analysis and studies to reach its conclusions.

The nearly 500-page report made three major recommendations to the General Assembly, according to a considerably shorter summary: Allow courts to use alternative sentencing options to satisfy lower-level, drug-trafficking mandatory-minimum sentences; amend the drug trafficking statute to increase the threshold for cocaine possession; and repeal Drug-Free School Zone mandatory legislation.

State mandatory-minimum laws first enacted in 1982 provided stiff sentences for certain crimes, such as those committed on public transportation or with a firearm. The laws were later expanded to include certain drug and assault offenses.

Mark Bergstrom, executive director of the commission, said the study was intended to identify whether those mandates are meeting the intended purposes for their implementation, such as uniformity of incarceration, deterrence and reduction of recidivism ( repeated criminal activity resulting in incarceration ).

The study found neither length of sentence nor imposition of a mandatory minimum sentence alone was related to recidivism, according to the summary.

It also found younger offenders, those with a higher number of prior arrests or convictions and those sentenced to prison were more likely to recidivate.

Repeat offenders also appeared to be rearrested on similar charges if they did recidivate, according to the report. Those sentenced for a drug mandatory, for instance, were more likely to be rearrested for a drug offense, while those sentenced for a repeat violent offense or firearms mandatory were more likely to be rearrested for an offense against a person, according to the report.

The report additionally found about 34 percent of mandatory-eligible charges never resulted in conviction for a mandatory-eligible offense, which could be attributed to a lack of evidence, a plea negotiation or simply a failure to obtain a conviction.

The study found 63 percent of firearms offenders were likely to see theirs charges reduced, compared to just 39 percent of violent offenders and 26 percent of drug-delivery offenders. Most charge reductions involved dropping of charges rather than a reduction in the severity of the charge for all three offender types, according to the report.

The report noted courts had failed to report about half of all mandatory-minimum sentences handed out, however, so sentence length was used to determine the application of a mandatory sentencing provision.

Bergstrom said with respect to some drug offenses, the purpose of the sentences seems to have become one of arm-twisting more than anything else.

"If the purpose for the mandates that we looked at was to assist prosecutors in negotiating pleas, I think we would have found mandates are successful in that area," he said. "And we recognize that that can be a useful tool, but we didn't see that as one of the reasons the mandate was created in the first place."

"What I think most people do not know is that in the vast majority of cases where mandatory minimums are available in the commonwealth, they are not utilized for that purpose," said Delaware County Common Pleas Judge Frank T. Hazel. "They are utilized for plea bargaining purposes.
.. You really haven't seen the impact of mandatory-minimum sentences in Pennsylvania because of the manner in which it is not used."

But when they are used, said Hazel, it removes the judge's ability to use discretion in sentencing due to mitigating or circumstantial factors, as he could attest to.

"The first thing everyone has to understand ( is ) once a mandatory minimum is invoked by the commonwealth, generally speaking, the judge has no choice ( but to comply )," he said. "If somebody steals an appeal because they want to sell it to somebody else, that's a little different than somebody stealing an apple. A mandatory minimum eliminates that fact-sensitive issue. If this happens, this happens, there's going to be no discussion about whether this is a good thing in this case or a bad thing. It just happens."

Delaware County District Attorney G. Michael Green said that is an ongoing complaint he and other district attorneys from around the state hear from time to time.

But Green said putting pressure on "smaller fish" involved in dangerous drug rings or other illicit activates with the threat of invoking mandatory-minimum sentences often leads to convictions of "bigger fish."

He offered a list of 20 mandatory-minimum convictions over the past seven years that involved informants or witnesses who provided information and/or testified due to their potential exposure to mandatory sentences in their own cases, helping bring down major drug distribution organizations.

"In each of those cases, we were able to pierce those organizations using the leverage created by mandatory-minimum drug jail sentences against more minor players to work our way into the middle of the organization," said Green. "If the committee reviewing these mandatory minimum jail sentences has a negative opinion of their use in this way, I have to disagree with the committee and do it vehemently."

Bergstrom repeatedly said the only purpose of the study was to examine if the way the sentences are being used relates to the intended purpose.

To that effect, he said, using the sentences as leverage for other convictions undermines at least one base purpose of mandatory minimums:
If you break the law in this or that respect, you automatically go to prison for X amount of time.

Green acknowledged that sending messages to the criminal community is important. But more important, in his view, is giving prosecutors every available tool to combat crime, including the use of mandatory minimums as leverage.

Removing that tool, he said, would be "a real detriment to the people we serve in this community."

Another factor impacting the usefulness of mandatory-minimum sentences was a lack of knowledge among the citizenry, according to the report.

Only 34 percent of people interviewed could identify a crime where a mandatory-minimum sentence could be invoked, said Bergstrom.

But Green said even if law-abiding citizens are not fully aware of the penalties, criminals know full well the triggers for mandatory minimums.
Those sentences are "a tremendous hammer hanging over them should they be caught," he said, and it's naive to believe otherwise.

The report also suggests raising the threshold of cocaine possession needed to trigger the mandatory-minimum sentence for trafficking from 2 to 5 grams.

Bergstrom said most of those who receive the mandatory minimum of two years for trafficking were in possession of the 2 to less-than-10 grams needed to trigger the lowest mandatory-minimum sentence for trafficking.

These are often drug users who support their habits by dealing, he said, and are more likely to return to prison on a similar drug charge following their release.

The report suggested that by raising the threshold and allowing those who are sentenced under this lowest rung to receive some treatment for addiction, recidivism rates could decrease.

He added that the report suggests that 5 grams could be cumulative over all arrests for a single individual, so more sophisticated dealers can't skirt the edge of sentencing laws by always carrying slightly less than the trigger amount.

Green said he did not necessarily disagree with that finding, but that it warrants further study. He said in current cases where it is clear to the prosecutor's office that the seller is also an addict, the mandatory minimum is not typically invoked.

Bergstrom said one portion of the report garnering a lot of attention is a recommendation to repeal a mandatory-minimum sentence of two years for selling drugs within 1,000 feet of a school.

Because of the large radius of the drug zone, Bergstrom said the mandate does not appear to be used for its stated purpose, ostensibly as a deterrent to commit drug crimes near or involving school children.

The zones also apply to unmarked school bus stops, he said, and because they cover huge swaths of metropolitan areas due to the prevalence of schools there, can lead to uneven applicability across the state.

He added that there are provisions already in sentencing guidelines that allow for an additional one to three years imprisonment for selling drugs in a school zone.

Beyond simple protection for school children, Green said there are other factors involved with drug dealers in school zones that need to be taken into account, however -- specifically, firearms.

"In most of these drug cases that we've investigated -- and I'm talking about drug cases involving street-level drug dealers -- when they are in communities in Delaware County in school zones, they are carrying quantities of drugs that are significant and because they do that, usually that individual or an associate is armed," said Green. "Once you introduce firearms into a neighborhood community near a neighborhood school ... you create a real likelihood that an innocent person is going to be injured and possibly killed as a result of use of those firearms."

But the report also found there was substantial attrition for firearms offenses, further eroding the stated purpose of the mandates.

"If all of a sudden only a small percentage of people arrested for something that's mandatory receive that sentence, it undermines the threat of the mandate," said Bergstrom. "If you believe in mandatory minimums, if you think they have deterrent values, you're really undermining the ability of the mandatory-minimum sentences to play that role."

State Rep. Greg Vitali, D-166, of Haverford, who authored the study's enabling legislation, said judges also need to have more options in the sentencing process.

While Vitali said he believes those who commit violent crimes and high-level drug dealers should go to jail for a long time, but sentencing should be based on three factors: the gravity of the offense, the prior record of the defendant and the circumstance of each case.

Vitali believes judges should given more flexibility than that provided by the provisions, such as blending incarceration with drug or mental health treatment programs ( known as "intermediate punishment" ) in an attempt to further reduce recidivism.

According to the report, many rehabilitative alternatives are currently under used. But use of state intermediate punishment ( SIP ) and county intermediatepunishment programs, in lieu of total confinement, could save taxpayers $6,101 and $9,194 per offender, respectively.

"If you can cut down on the recidivism rate, you'd cut down dramatically on the population problems," said Hazel. "Do mandatory minimums have some place in the penal system? I guess they do. Are they a panacea for all the problems we face? Absolutely not. In some cases, they compound the problems."

Hazel said a significant number of the mental heath institutions in Pennsylvania have been closed down, so people who should be receiving treatment for mental illness are instead landing in jails ill-equipped to address those issues.

Prison Superintendent John Reilly, who oversees the county-owned George W. Hill Correction Facility in Thornbury, said the prison screens each arriving inmate for addiction and/or mental health issues, and every inmate must be seen by a medical doctor sometime within the first two weeks of incarceration.

Some of these are entered into the prison's drug and alcohol treatment program as part of their sentence, he said, while others might volunteer of their own accord.

Reilly said his county prison isn't really affected by state mandatory-minimum sentences, though he does see his share of repeat drug offenders finding their way back to the facility because of their addiction.

"They've had multiple opportunities to address their addiction, but refuse because the addiction is much more powerful than whatever resolve they can ( muster )," said Reilly. "It is one of the dilemmas we face as a criminal justice system. What do we do with these people?"

Reilly said the prison has received 8,152 "commitments" in 2009, as of Oct. 31. Of those, 2,010 arrived with some drug, alcohol or mental health condition, said Reilly. Dual diagnoses, meaning some combination of the three, accounted for 770 of those cases.

When a defendant comes before a prosecutor with a laundry list of past offenses in tow, said Reilly, they might be inclined to throw the book at the guy.

And that might be entirely proper, said Reilly, a former prosecutor in the Delaware County District Attorney's office, but suppose that inmate has been a chronic substance abuser for 20 years and requires a liver transplant or monthly dialysis, all at taxpayer expense?

"I think the first problem that we're always confronted by is the majority of our drug and alcohol abusers suffer from some sort of chronic medical condition, whether its asthma, kidney disease, liver disease, HIV, Hepatitis C," said Reilly. "There is generally some chronic problem that requires what I would describe as extraordinary care, so it places a great burden on the medical staff."

In October alone, the prison saw 1,115 "sick call" encounters involving nurses or physician assistants, he said. There were another 724 physician encounters, 261 psychiatric encounters and 275 psychological encounters.

Hazel heads up a new Mental Health Treatment Court Program instituted in the county last year, which puts certain repeat female offenders through a two-year treatment program with an aim of getting their lives back on track.

Treatment Court Coordinator Linda Barbera said the court draws from a variety of resources, and is a collaborative effort involving prosecutors, public defenders, probation officers, social workers and others.

There have been 31 women in the program to date, said Barbera, though seven have failed out due to new arrests or failure to follow program protocol.

"The program is very intensive," she said. "How they've responded to the program -- their lives are coming together. They really have taken to Judge Hazel. They recognize he is concerned and cares for them, and that is significant for a lot of these people who have burned every bridge possible in their past and they don't have the support systems that you and I have. It's our hope that they mend those bridges."

Vitali, meanwhile, said he would begin using the report to drum up support for the Legislature to "clean up" the Pennsylvania Crimes Code.

"I think the reality is we want to really be reserving our corrections resources for repeat violent offenders and high-level drug dealers. I think you can make very good arguments from a budgetary perspective and a public safety perspective with regard to these recommendations.

"You only have so many correction dollars to go around and in times like these, those dollars are more and more difficult to come by, so I think these tough economic times really will cause the Legislature to look a little closer at incarceration."


--
Drugs & Democracy Info <drugs@tni.org>
Transnational Institute (TNI)
De Wittenstraat 25 | 1052 AK Amsterdam (The Netherlands) Tel +31-20-6626608 | Fax +31-20-6757176 http://www.tni.org/drugs http://www.ungassondrugs.org/ _______________________________________________
Dd-world mailing list
https://lists.tni.org/mailman/listinfo/dd-world

ScienceDirect Alert: International Journal of Drug Policy, Vol. 21,Iss. 1, 2010

Monday, December 7, 2009 | | 0 comments

some of the articles mentioned below are attached.


From: ScienceDirect Message Center [mailto:valert@prod.sciencedirect.com]
Sent: Sunday, December 06, 2009 1:09 AM
To: Haden, Mark [VC]
Subject: ScienceDirect Alert: International Journal of Drug Policy, Vol. 21,Iss. 1, 2010


ScienceDirect
Advertisement.

New Volume/Issue is now available on ScienceDirect
International Journal of Drug Policy International Journal of Drug Policy

Volume 21, Issue 1,  Pages 1-90 (January 2010)


  Editorial
  1. Mapping the world drug problem: Science and politics in the United Nations drug control system
Pages 1-3
Christopher Hallam, David R. Bewley-Taylor
 
  Commentary
  2. Social and structural determinants of HAART access and adherence among injection drug users
Pages 4-9
Andrea Krüsi, Evan Wood, Julio Montaner, Thomas Kerr
 
  Reviews
  3. Assessing evidence for a causal link between cannabis and psychosis: A review of cohort studies
Pages 10-19
Jennifer A. McLaren, Edmund Silins, Delyse Hutchinson, Richard P. Mattick, Wayne Hall
 
  4. Syphilis in drug users in low and middle income countries
Pages 20-27
Lara S. Coffin, Ashley Newberry, Holly Hagan, Charles M. Cleland, Don C. Des Jarlais, David C. Perlman
 
  Research Papers
  5. A heroin prescription trial: Case studies from Montreal and Vancouver on crime and disorder in the surrounding neighbourhoods
Pages 28-35
Benoit Lasnier, Serge Brochu, Neil Boyd, Benedikt Fischer
 
  6. Why don't out-of-treatment individuals enter methadone treatment programmes?
Pages 36-42
James A. Peterson, Robert P. Schwartz, Shannon Gwin Mitchell, Heather Schacht Reisinger, Sharon M. Kelly, Kevin E. O'Grady, Barry S. Brown, Michael H. Agar
 
  7. Drug treatment or alleviating the negative consequences of imprisonment? A critical view of prison-based drug treatment in Denmark
Pages 43-48
Torsten Kolind, Vibeke Asmussen Frank, Helle Dahl
 
  8. Association between neighbourhood socioeconomic characteristics and high-risk injection behaviour amongst injection drug users living in inner and other city areas in Montréal, Canada
Pages 49-55
Mélissa Généreux, Julie Bruneau, Mark Daniel
 
  9. HIV infection and risk behaviour of primary fentanyl and amphetamine injectors in Tallinn, Estonia: Implications for intervention
Pages 56-63
Ave Talu, Kristiina Rajaleid, Katri Abel-Ollo, Kristi Rüütel, Mati Rahu, Tim Rhodes, Lucy Platt, Natalia Bobrova, Anneli Uusküla
 
  10. Cross-national comparison of adolescent drinking and cannabis use in the United States, Canada, and the Netherlands
Pages 64-69
Bruce Simons-Morton, William Pickett, Will Boyce, Tom F.M. ter Bogt, Wilma Vollebergh
 
  11. A cost-benefit and cost-effectiveness analysis of Vancouver's supervised injection facility
Pages 70-76
Martin A. Andresen, Neil Boyd
 
  12. "They're legal so they're safe, right?" What did the legal status of BZP-party pills mean to young people in New Zealand?
Pages 77-81
Janie Sheridan, Rachael Butler
 
  Short Reports
  13. Dissolution of a harm reduction track for opiate agonist treatment: Longitudinal impact on treatment retention, substance use and service utilization
Pages 82-85
Bryan Hartzler, Ann J. Cotton, Donald A. Calsyn, Rachael Guerra, Edward Gignoux
 
  14. Differences in harm from legal BZP/TFMPP party pills between North Island and South Island users in New Zealand: A case of effective industry self-regulation?
Pages 86-90
Chris Wilkins, Paul Sweetsur
 


Send my e-mail in plain text format
Modify or Remove My Alerts

Access the ScienceDirect Info site if you have questions about this message or other features of this service.


This email has been sent to you by ScienceDirect, a division of Elsevier B.V., Radarweg 29, 1043 NX Amsterdam, The Netherlands, Tel.+31 20 485 3911.

ScienceDirect respects your privacy and does not disclose, rent or sell your personal information to any non-affiliated third parties without your consent, except as may be stated in the ScienceDirect online privacy policy.

By using email or alert services, you agree to comply with the ScienceDirect Terms and Conditions.

To unsubscribe to alert services, please go to the Alerts page.

Copyright © 2009 ScienceDirect. All rights reserved. Any unauthorized use, reproduction, or transfer of this message or its contents, in any medium, is strictly prohibited. ScienceDirect® is a registered trademark of Elsevier B.V.

Delivery Job ID: 22223:251763468:11205:213630041

Cannabis as a substitute for alcohol and other drugs

| | 0 comments

See link below for an article on Cannabis as a substitute for alcohol and other drugs  in the Harm Reduction Journal.