Source: Huffington Post  (US Web)
Copyright: 2010  HuffingtonPost com, Inc.
Website:  http://www.huffingtonpost.com
Author: Ethan  Nadelmann
Note: Ethan Nadelmann is  the executive director of the Drug Policy 
Alliance  (www.drugpolicy.org)
Referenced: The 2010  National Drug Control Strategy 
http://www.whitehousedrugpolicy.gov/strategy/
Referenced: Wall Street  Journal article 
http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v09/n514/a02.html
Bookmark:  http://www.mapinc.org/people/Gil+Kerlikowske
ETHAN NADELMANN  CRITIQUES OBAMA'S NEW DRUG WAR STRATEGY
The White House's  2010 National Drug Control Strategy, released this 
morning by President  Obama and drug czar Gil Kerlikowske, is both 
encouraging and  discouraging. There's no question that it points in a 
different direction  and embraces specific policy options counter to 
those of the past  thirty years. But it differs little on the 
fundamental issues  of budget and drug policy paradigm, retaining the 
overwhelming  emphasis on law enforcement and supply control 
strategies that  doomed the policies of its predecessors.
First, to give  credit where credit is due: The Obama administration 
has taken important  steps to undo some of the damage of past 
administrations'  drug policies. The Justice Department has played an 
important role in  trying to reduce the absurdly harsh, and racially 
discriminatory,  crack/powder mandatory minimum drug laws; Congress is 
likely to approve a  major reform this year. DOJ also changed course 
on medical  marijuana, letting state governments know that federal  
authorities would  defer to their efforts to legally regulate medical 
marijuana under  state law. And they approved the repeal of the ban on 
federal funding of  syringe exchange programs to reduce HIV/AIDS, 
thereby indicating  that science would at last be allowed to trump 
politics and  prejudice even in the domain of drug policy.
The new strategy  goes further. It calls for reforming federal 
policies that  prohibit people with criminal convictions and in 
recovery from  accessing housing, employment, student loans and 
driver's licenses.  It also endorses a variety of harm reduction 
strategies (even as  it remains allergic to using the actual language 
of "harm  reduction"), endorsing specific initiatives to reduce fatal  
overdoses, better  integration of drug treatment into ordinary medical 
care, and  alternatives to incarceration for people struggling with  
addiction. All of  this diverges from the drug policies of the Reagan, 
Clinton and two Bush  administrations.
Director Kerlikowske  told the Wall Street Journal last year that he 
doesn't like to use  the term "war on drugs" because "[w]e're not at 
war with people in  this country." Yet 64% of their budget - virtually 
the same as under  the Bush Administration and its predecessors - 
focuses on largely  futile interdiction efforts as well as arresting, 
prosecuting and  incarcerating extraordinary numbers of people. Only 
36% is earmarked for  demand reduction - and even that proportion is 
inflated because the  ONDCP "budget" no longer includes costs such as 
the $2 billion  expended annually to incarcerate people who violate 
federal drug  laws.
There's little doubt  that this administration seriously wants to 
distance itself from  the rhetoric of the drug war, but its new plan 
makes clear that it  is still addicted to the reality of the drug war. 
Still missing is the  full throttle commitment to treating drug misuse 
as a public health  issue, and to harm reduction innovations that have 
proven so successful  in Europe and Canada. Still present is the old 
rhetoric about  marijuana's great dangers and the need to keep current  
prohibitionist  polices in place, with no mention of the fact or 
consequences of  arresting roughly 750,000 people each year for 
possession of small  amounts of marijuana.
I had the pleasure  of testifying a few weeks ago before the 
Congressional  subcommittee charged with oversight of the drug czar's  
office. The  subcommittee chair, Dennis Kucinich, broke new ground on  
Capitol Hill by  challenging the drug czar, whose testimony preceded 
mine, on his  continuing commitment to supply control strategies 
notwithstanding  their persistent failure, and on his resistance to 
embracing the  language of harm reduction notwithstanding its growing  
acceptance by  governments elsewhere. In my testimony, I asked the 
subcommittee to  reform the ways that federal drug policy is evaluated 
by de-emphasizing  the past emphasis on reducing drug use per se and 
focusing instead on  reducing the death, disease, crime and suffering 
associated with both  drug misuse and counter-productive drug policies.
So, yes, this  administration is headed in a new direction on drug 
policy - but too  slowly, too timidly, and with little vision of a 
fundamentally  different way of dealing with drugs in the U.S. or 
global society. The  strategy released today offers nothing that will 
reduce the  prohibition-related violence in Mexico, Central America  
and Colombia, or  seriously address the challenges in Afghanistan. It 
dares not take on  the embarrassment of America's record breaking and 
world leading rate  of incarceration, especially of non-violent drug 
offenders. And it  effectively acknowledges that politics will 
continue to trump  science whenever the latter points toward 
politically  controversial solutions.
We still have a long  way to go.


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